Walk the Line

Two and a half centuries ago, Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon started their epic survey along what would become the most celebrated border in America
Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Less than a century after its creation, the Mason-Dixon line entered American popular culture, not for its technological achievement, but as the boundary that separated the North from the South, the free states from slave states. 

Standing on a small hill overlooking Dunkard Creek, Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon aligned their latest survey post “and heaped around it Earth and Stone three yards and a half diameter at the Bottom and five feet High.” The conical monument was about thirty miles short of Pennsylvania’s southwest corner and “233 Miles, 13 Chains and 68 Links” from their starting point, “the Post mark’d West.” Behind the forty-man survey crew lay several hundred miles of near impenetrable Pennsylvania woodland; ahead were wandering bands of Shawnee marauders, the mortal enemies of their Iroquoian escorts. If Mason and Dixon continued to push the line west to its completion, as their financial supporters back in England had requested, they were sure to find themselves embroiled in an Indian war. The leader of the native guides recognized the danger and took issue with the surveyors’ hesitation to call a halt to their fieldwork. His emphatic declaration that he “would not proceed one step further Westwards” left the Englishmen with only one option. Dunkard Creek would have to be the end of the line. 

The 1763–67 survey by Mason and Dixon marked the culmination of an eighty-year border dispute between Pennsylvania and Maryland—a dispute which at times had degraded into some of the worst bloodshed witnessed on the American frontier. When the lands were originally awarded in the mid-to-late seventeenth century to two of England’s aristocratic families, the Penns and the Calverts, ambiguous wording in the royal grants and faulty maps misplaced Maryland’s northern border within the limits of Philadelphia. A clear interpretation of the grants was obviously required, along with a demarcation of the border on the ground.

Colonial surveyors had tried to establish the border several times before Mason and Dixon arrived on the scene, but their limited knowledge of spheroid trigonometry made the task impossible. Their instruments were not much help either. Even the celebrated Jersey quadrant, probably the most accurate instrument in the colonies, was good to only one-half arc minute, the equivalent to about 2,600 feet on the ground. The Penns and the Calverts appealed to the Astronomer Royal in Greenwich “to send from England some able Mathematicians with a proper set of Mathematical instruments.”

England’s top astronomer selected Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, two junior colleagues who had already distinguished themselves as talented professionals with their detailed measurements on the 1761 transit of Venus (see Fine Books & Collections, summer, 2012). Charles Mason was an assistant astronomer at Greenwich where he was working on a monumental star catalogue that would improve the accuracy by which navigators could find their longitude and latitude. Jeremiah Dixon was an outstanding mathematician and county surveyor. 

Mason-Dixon plan
1/3
Courtesy of the Library of Congress

The Mason-Dixon plan was engraved in two sections by Henry Dawkins and James Smither, each of whom prepared his own cartouche. 

Mason-Dixon plan
2/3
Courtesy of the Library of Congress

The Mason-Dixon plan was engraved in two sections by Henry Dawkins and James Smither, each of whom prepared his own cartouche. 

Mason-Dixon survey
3/3
Courtesy of the Library of Congress

above: The first map to show the boundary surveyed by Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon was printed in Philadelphia by Robert Kennedy in 1768. below: Detail showing the first twenty-five miles of the Mason-Dixon survey. 

Mason and Dixon arrived in Philadelphia in November 1763, accompanied by a shipload of the best surveying instruments England had to offer, among them were two transits; two reflecting telescopes “fit to look at the Posts in the Line for ten or twelve miles;” a Hadley’s quadrant; astronomical clocks; star tables; several sixty-six-foot Gunter chains; ten-foot measuring rods made from precision-cut softwood, tipped with brass, and equipped with a builder’s level; and a zenith sector with a six-foot radius. 

The sector was their most precious instrument. It was essentially a telescope fitted with micrometers that were capable of measuring the angular distance to stars. The Mason-Dixon sector was built by the London-based John Bird and was a scaled-down version of the most accurate astronomical instrument then in existence, the twenty-five-foot zenith sector at the Royal Observatory. The smaller, highly sensitive instrument was accurate to within two arc seconds (less than two hundred feet on the ground), and would have to travel the deeply rutted trails of New England’s backwoods on a feather mattress set above the springs of a single-horse, two-wheeled cart.

To ensure the measuring rods were in calibration Mason and Dixon also carried with them a brass standard that was a duplicate of the one held under lock and key in the Tower of London. Every morning and afternoon, Mason and Dixon used a microscope to compare the lengths of the four measuring rods to the standard, which probably measured to within .01 of an inch. Any differences in the rods were duly noted in their notes along with the ambient temperature since contractions in the rods caused by cold temperatures could leave a discrepancy of as much as fifteen inches per mile.

With Mason carrying out the tasks of the astronomer and Dixon the surveyor, the crew, on a good day, could measure out about eight chains or 528 feet an hour. About every twenty miles their progress would be checked through astronomical observation. Using the zenith sector, Mason might make as many as 134 observations on five different stars, a process that could take as many as three consecutive nights. 

Winter came early in the high altitudes. Knee-deep snow and frigid temperatures hampered the survey crew’s trek back to Philadelphia from Dunkard Creek. Due to the lateness of the season, they were unable to set the last of the four-hundred-pound rectangular limestone boundary markers that had been shipped from England. For most of the border, however, the stones were ejected every mile, with every fifth stone, or “crown stone,” marked with the coat of arms of the two English patrons. Standing on a high summit earlier in the survey, Mason looked back on the twenty-five-foot-wide path that their crew had cut through the bush and called the line of white marker stones “very beautiful, and agreeable to the Laws of a Sphere.”

Once back in Philadelphia, Mason and Dixon immediately set to work preparing “fair copies” of their daily journals and field data for the benefit of the Penns and the Calverts. And thank goodness they did because soon after the copies were made, the original notes went missing. A century later, they turned up in a Halifax, Nova Scotia, trash heap and were eventually deposited in the National Archives in Washington, D.C. Mason and Dixon also prepared two hundred copies of an engraved copperplate map that showed the border area in great detail. And last but not least, they submitted financial statements for expenses amounting to £3,512/9s, the equivalent to nearly a million dollars today. 

In their attempt to leave a dependable border that both sides could agree on, Mason and Dixon set the stage for an engineering feat that has gone down in the annals of cartography. Their estimated error of fifty-sixty feet for the 233-mile survey made it the longest, straightest line of its day. If they had been able to account for gravitational pull on their plumb bobs, no doubt the error factor would have been more in line with modern GPS surveys. Eighteenth-century crews, however, had no experimental proof of the effect of mountain mass and dense bedrock on their measuring devices and no way to account for it in their calculations. 

Considering the tools at their disposal and the uncharted country that they had to traverse, surely the Mason-Dixon survey is an achievement to be celebrated. To the average American, however, developments in the nineteenth century overshadowed the scientific triumphs of the eighteenth. The Mason-Dixon line is now more of a household phrase not as a technological marvel, but as a symbolic division between the northern free states and southern slave states.