It was no accident that Halley and Senex chose the broadside format to announce the upcoming eclipse. Broadsides had been around for more than two centuries, and were an effective method for presenting timely information on any number of subjects from the spectacular to the catastrophic, from the marvelous to the curious. The single sheet could be composed, engraved, and distributed in only a few days. For a copper-engraved broadside, the print run averaged around 2,000 copies, although larger printings are known, like Erasmus’ Adagia, which is thought to have gone through thirty-four editions of 1,000 copies each. The earliest known astronomical broadsheet describes the meteorite that fell on the Alsace village of Ensisheim in 1492. Over the next three and a half centuries, an estimated 4,000 to 5,000 titles were prepared. Regrettably, because of their ephemeral nature—they were meant to be consumed, then tossed—probably less than one percent survives today.
Distributing information on the eclipse more widely had obvious financial rewards. Despite its modest price of six pence, the broadside must have generated a nice income for both Halley and Senex. Although figures are not available, one of his competitors in the broadside business, William Whiston, admitted in his memoirs that he made £120 from his publications and lectures on the eclipse, an amount that “maintained me and my family for a whole year together.” Halley’s broadside no doubt also helped to improve his name recognition, which would have played no small part in other commercial ventures, and possibly in his appointment as Britain’s Astronomer Royal after John Flamsteed’s death in 1719.
Thanks to Halley’s promotional efforts, Britons turned out in high numbers to witness the 1715 event. Forever the consummate scientist, Halley could not resist taking advantage of the interest and asked “the curious … to Observe it … with all the care they can” and to report back to him so that “we may be enabled to Predict the like Appearances for ye future, to a greater degree of certainty than can be pretended to at present.”
As it turned out, Halley’s predictions were off slightly, as was pointed out to him by several observers who had relied on his map and unknowingly placed themselves outside the path of totality. Halley, on the other hand, had placed himself well within the path of maximum darkness and, “with a very good Telescope of about Six Foot,” watched the entire proceedings under a “perfect serene azure sky” from the Royal Society’s quarters at Crane Court, London.
Encouraged by the interest shown in his map and by all the on-the-spot observations sent to him, Halley issued a second edition of his broadside about five months later. His new map updated the path of totality to what was actually observed, shifting it eighteen miles to the south and adjusting the contact times by four minutes. To this new map, he also added his predictions on a second eclipse, one that would pass over London in May 1724. About two weeks before the second event, this map was also updated so as to include the path of the moon’s shadow as it passed over Ireland and France. This last update suggests Halley and Senex were attempting to extend interest in their maps to customers in lucrative markets overseas.
Although his name today is most readily associated with the comet that bears his name, Halley made considerable contributions to cartography. He was the first to map the earth’s magnetic field, the trade winds, hundreds of stars, and of course, the solar eclipse. The conventions he pioneered were unrivaled and are still used by cartographers more than three centuries later. For Halley, much of the natural world was “better expressed in the Mapp … than it can well be in words.”